A Study of Household Decision Making in Black, Lesbian Stepfamilies

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SECTION ONE
Gendered power relations among women: A study of household decision making in Black, lesbian stepfamilies
The article uses the qualitative method of research to analyze the lives of families in same-sex unions. The author in his research has introduced a household population that has not been tackled by the social science literature. The experiences and patterns of the mode of behavior seen in the participants of this study mostly contradict assumptions made in the literature. The qualitative method used to investigate the lives of black, lesbian families is aimed at generating new ideas and asking questions on how the lack of sex differences in such partners affects expectations in families. It is also aimed at creating new ideas on family processes in same-sex relationships including meanings and the sources of authority among adults in families. The method infers at important and more general theoretical questions on mothering and identity (Moore 337).
The results arrived at in this approach indicate that the family’s institutional characteristics are attributed to traditional gendered relations. Participating in a family results in scripts of actions that carry established gendered meanings. Gender continues to influence the construction of family life profoundly despite being in unions of the same-sex. The gender relations perception within lesbian stepfamilies can be used to explain why the biological mother is mainly involved in housework and childcare. It is also the reason why this opinion was previously used to explain why individuals in same-sex unions find gendered meanings in the performance of household tasks (Moore 340).
Moore Mignon in his book uses the sound empirical conclusion to ensure that issues regarding gendered power relations among women are adequately covered. He achieves this in his article "Gendered power relations among women" by employing scientific research methods. An example of the method used entail both qualitative and survey methods to establish the prevailing view that the two elements of egalitarian feminist ideology, economic independence and the equal distribution of housework and childrearing, are the main types of lesbian-headed households (Moore 243).
After analyzing a total of 32 black women in lesbian stepfamilies, Moore found that partners share the providing role with biological mothers undertaking significantly more household chores. Added core responsibility signify greater authority over other aspects of a home organization such as family finances and childrearing. The biological mother is accorded control in a family. It indicates her legal tie to a child which is also a greater perceived responsibility for the well-being of the child. This pattern will persist even when her earnings are less than that of her mate. The families’ associate control over household labor with greater relationship power even without having the gender structure of male privilege or even material advantage which is related to high income. These findings are implications of broader conceptions of sex and power found in families. They also form the basis of interactional power and internal manifestations of power through various families and different types of couples (Moore 348).
The author was able to draw conclusions based on findings rather than preconceived notions of what they expected because in their work they can list some ways in which previously conceived notions had been contradicted by their analysis of same-sex relationships. In Moore's study, the author addresses the common notion in which family relationships depict mothers as being highly involved in parenting and as such stating that society should expect the pressures to affect all parents without considering the sex of their partners. The structure of "accepted" gender norms may be substantial for lesbian mothers who had their children in heterosexual relationships since they willingly moved from legalized unions with men to stigmatized same-sex relationships. Due to this reason, lesbian parents may find "accepted" gender structure more important (Moore 348).
Through his analysis, the author can reveal that without the gender construction of the clear-cut male privilege, lesbian families attribute control over some forms of household labor to a greater relationship power. The biological mothers, for example, tend to exercise more control over the home because the authority touches on the well-being of children who they see as mainly theirs and not their partner’s. They trade the power for control over household finances and the organization of their family. In a heterosexual relationship, women who try to invoke this strategy are defeated by the power of male privilege or the male income advantage. Although women in a heterosexual relationship may acquire some form of authority from the control over household labor, their male partners’ other kinds of power will outdo that authority (Moore 349).
The author also addresses previous assumptions about family procedures in stepfamilies. The biological mothers in same-sex unions cast their partners in the traditional stepparent responsibility with less childrearing authority by being in the middle of their children and their partners. It is a similar experience to women in heterosexual stepfamilies. Lesbian partners tend to have less access to the commercial provider role making them less powerful actors just like men in stepfamilies.
Analysis of family processes in the same-sex households helps us understand the couple general dynamics. Related insight from research on same-sex unions points to the fact that the conventional model of family members exchanging household chores for financial support may not apply in certain contexts. The study further finds out that the point at which differences in financial resources determine family authority in lesbian relationships is unclear (Moore 353).
SECTION TWO
The conceptualization of the self is essential in the everyday and seemingly mundane interactions of daily life. This conceptualization is of extreme importance to the aspiring sociologist, allowing one to understand the self about their interaction with others in social settings. The paper thus applies Goffman’s analysis to dissect Emerson’s work in his study (Goffman). The paper attempts to determine Goffman’s concepts and generalizations are made concrete by Emerson (Emerson). The section will conduct an empirical examination of the two works and determine the correlation between the same.
Goffman argues that in initial encounters with a new individual, information if usually gleaned in two ways. Information that the person gives and information that is given off. The concept is applicable and is made concrete in Emerson’s study. Emerson utilizes the patient-doctor dichotomy in his characterization of the mutability of the self. The patient in this instance is responsible for providing information to the doctor. In this case, the patient "gives" information. The doctor can learn about the characteristics of the patient and the illness that brings the patient to the medical space. However, the doctor is aware that the patient may be unable or unwilling to give complete information. The doctor is therefore expected to study the patient for non-verbal cues that may provide the physician with information, in this sense, the patient "gives off" information e.g. pain, blushing, etc.
Goffman notes that the self often attempts to project the desired image to an audience. The expected definition geared towards giving an impression desired by the individual and evoking a given attitude by a group or person to the individual. This concept is applicable in Emerson’s study. The doctor particularly the Gynecologist is particularly desirous of creating an image that conveys the impersonality and professional nature of the medical examination. The doctor thus creates an environment (physical or otherwise) that communicates to this fact. The patients sense are continuously bombarded with messages that reinforce the idea of a medical environment. The sounds e.g. Doctors being called over the loudspeaker.
The smell of disinfectant and bleach, and the medical professional clothed in medical attire. The doctor in this sense conveys to the patient that he or she is simply interested in treating the patient. The doctor in this regard will handle the patient as an inanimate object (to an extent) that just requires care. The doctor will minimize touching to only when necessary and only when wea...