Chinese Media Bias

Chinese Media Bias
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Chinese Media Bias
Introduction
Like other regions, China's media coverage is critical and an essential determinant in shaping its perception or image around the planet and, most importantly, its relevance in the media industry. Unfortunately, various studies have perceived China as one of the countries where media bias exists considerably (Yuan, 2016), affecting fairness in content and exposing media consumers to biased information mainly being developed or reported based on self-interests. Chinese involvement in prejudice is not beneficial for the target audiences because, due to media bias, these audiences will always consume insignificant information. The country's efforts to invest in media and reporting while incorporating media bias are useless and inconsiderate. Different factors or evidence show how and why media bias is common and exists in most parts of China. Specifically, these elements include the government being driven by political interests to monopolize the media industry, only the highest political decision-making entities owning and supervising the general-interest news, the Chinese newspapers only being possessed by the nation, implementing media policies such as the Party Line, which highly promotes propaganda and operates based on political goals, etc. Above all, media bias is increasingly evident or existent in China, leading to overall biased content that consumers utilize.
Evidence for the Existence of Chinese Media Bias
The first evidence of Chinese media bias existence is in the newspaper context. Specifically, only the highest political ranks or decision-making entities own, control, and supervise the general-interest newspapers. The most distinct entity with such a role is the Chinese Communist Party Committees (CCPCs). Like other decision-making bodies in the media sectors, CCPCs control media, placing restrictions or specifying exactly whatever must be covered, leading to misinformation or overall biased reporting. Most importantly, alongside other media-related bodies, this entity's purpose of assigning the newspapers the politically-driven responsibility of executing propaganda-inspired journalism that is never accurate for the target audience. CCPCs' role in owning, controlling, and supervising the media depicts substantial political influence that majorly inspires media in China to report events while focusing on political agendas or propaganda. Additionally, Qin et al. (2018) claim that besides the strict media control, these media are also run for profit. The urge for profit-based newspapers has increasingly led to the emergence of countless media that seek to gain massively from the sector. Again, it has not only been about deriving profits from the media activities but also seeking to turn these media into state-owned enterprises that, in turn, experience the utmost strict control by the government.
Secondly, through the monopolization aspect, bias exists in China's media. Most importantly, as early as the mid-20th century, the Chinese government found that it was increasingly possible to be strategic in attaining its political objectives and long-term endeavours. For instance, the government could quickly achieve its goals by using Party Dailies as a market monopoly. By definition, a monopolistic market structure leads to only a single product or service supplier to the numerous consumers in the marketplace (Hunt, 2011). The state monopolized the media entity to achieve its political interests. Although different consumer groups, such as civil servants, mass corporations, state-owned enterprises, and government units, the Chinese Communist Party members supported the Party Dailies, their audience engagement and readership fluctuated considerably with time across varied places. When the 20th century was nearing its end, the media conquered the industry and was extensively read. Several prefectural and regional Party Dailies doubled their volumes to satisfy the readers' needs for varied information fully. According to Wu (2004), one primary indication was their development of non-government circulation networks, such as the vendors, to gain access to a vast audience. An investigation of many newspapers present in nine economically-stable provinces shows that this leading media from time immemorial sold plentiful copies (about 500,000 copies daily) and got significant revenues like the profitable state-possessed entities (Yang & Sun, 2001). After the newspaper's concern for incentives to achieve economic gain, some CCPCs differentiated products. Notably, they formed Party Daily for political targets and Party Evening for economic purposes. Nonetheless, the newspaper target audiences who prefer commercial information or content to disburse an "ideology travel" expense when using a prejudiced newspaper. An adequately high price will discourage commercial audiences from purchasing biased media content.
Thirdly, Chinese media consumers have always been exposed to biased content through all the general interest newspapers having comprehensive political and economic motives that, in turn, promote prejudiced information and seek to gain profits primarily. Regarding these media, the most critical motive is to execute CCP's Party Line. Specifically, this media policy framework hugely mobilizes political activities and maintains regime stability without mainly focusing on enhancing media delivery to reflect consumer satisfaction and bias-free content effectively. The framework dictates that newspapers should conduct or complete the assignments of spreading the CCP's philosophy and leadership, notifying cadres and citizens about party conclusions and government-related policies while overcoming news that might likely influence regime stability negatively (Xin, 2018) implementing this disadvantageous role always call upon the propaganda sections to consistently provide helpful directives and summon meetings to guide editorial policy frameworks. The biased part of this is that Party Line always expects the media to follow its requirements, whether they are favorable or not. Failing to conform to the policy's framework contributes to licensing suspensions, denying newspapers' circulation, unfair editors' dismissal, and government officials' demotion (He, 2008). Besides the political role, Chinese media like Party Line also focuses on realizing an economic goal. Most importantly, their activities are primarily driven by the urge to earn profits. The profit-seeking objective was officially set off in 1988 by media regulators. After the initiation, the general-interest media content has always been considered quasi-state-owned enterprises and performed using the "overseen by politicians and controlled by entrepreneurs." Therefore, dual politico-economic ambitions are also an approach through which media portray biased content.
Fourthly, bias also occurs via media ownership. For instance, there is a condition that only the state must entirely own all Chinese newspapers. The media type must be allied to a government-based supervisor who is undoubtedly accountable for licensing, selecting top personnel, and overseeing significant editorial issues. Additionally, only a CCPC "qualifies" to get a license for writing and publishing general-interest newspapers (/publication/327379782_Media_Bias_in_China ). These are evident bias elements that are likely to discourage positive growth within the media sector. Presently, most conventional media channels in China, like news bodies, magazines, and newspapers, are government-possessed and extensively isolated. Most of these channels currently feature web-based platforms and compete with other internet media rivals for Chinese web consumers' attention. In 2009, about 1,937 newspapers existed in the country, with less than 100 regarded as the most powerful state newspapers. Economic Observer, Reference News, Global Times, China Daily, and Southern Weekly are some essential ones. Considering hundreds of different magazines, only a few business-related ones (such as CBN Weekly, Century Weekly, Caijin, and Global Entrepreneur) stand out. China News Service and Xinhua News Agency are the two Chinese news organizations that publish formal government viewpoints. Most online and print mass media cite them widely. Despite this prejudice in Chinese media, there is an objective trend towards emergent business models that include private investors. A rising trend for private organizations, including Tencent and Alibaba, is capitalizing on online media podia. This implies Chinese media innovation, bringin...