PH1 Health Final Position Paper

COVID-19 and African Americans United States General Audience Name Course COVID-19 and African Americans The effects of COVID-19 among African Americans were exacerbated by their minority state in terms of economic and limited access to quality care services, leading to high infection and death rates. Introduction The COVID-19 pandemic revealed the many injustices rooted within the culture, disadvantaging the African American communities in the US. Data collected over time illustrated that African Americans had more chances of being infected and dying from COVID-19 than white people. Infection rates and the death toll among the black continued to go. As of August 2020, black Americans have the highest mortality rates, as illustrated in the figure below.1 My position in this work is that the effects of COVID-19 among African Americans were exacerbated by their minority state in terms of economics and lack of access to quality care services, leading to high infection and mortality tolls. During all the years of COVID-19, African Americans have been experiencing higher hospitalizations, deaths, and rates of coronavirus. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) shows that mortality rate from COVID-19 is more than twice the number of African Americans about that of White Americans. This disparity is a manifestation of deeply entrenched structural injustices in the country that have existed for generations, including institutional racism in the health services, financial challenges, and physical inaccessibility.2 The first risk factor for the high instances of infections and mortality among African Americans was a low economic state. COVID-19 has had a disproportionately negative effect on African Americans due to economic inequalities in many respects. The reality is that many African Americans work in first-line, physically challenging jobs, putting them at higher risk of acquiring the virus.1 While the African American people are also known to be poorer with a lack of resources like paid sick leave and suitable housing, this then makes disease susceptibility higher than the white communities. The second risk factor was inequality in healthcare access. A significant reason for the unequal outcomes among African Americans was the area of limited healthcare treatments of quality during the pandemic.3 Low-income neighborhoods where the majority of people are of African American race show more statistically meaningful disparities in terms of the distribution of medical institutions and healthcare professionals. In addition to that, some African Americans are distrustful of the current healthcare systems because of that, as well as the past discrimination.4 Therefore, they are usually hesitant when it comes to seeking medical attention. That makes them quite helpless in getting treated promptly, tested, and vaccinated. COVID-19 data analysis for African American and White Americans reveals a substantial difference in infection rates, hospitalization, and deaths. The New England Journal of Medicine noticed that black Americans are disproportionately denoted in COVID-19 cases and deaths, according to their studies. The mortality rates of the Native Americans are also more significant than those of the White Americans.5 In addition, it has been discovered that in many cases, living in an overcrowded environment, poor access to healthcare, and a high level of underlying health conditions contribute to the spread of COVID-19 within the African American community. The research findings provide the critical point that social determinants of health have a role to play in the differences in African Americans' COVID-19 outcomes. Overall, the pandemic has exposed the structural inequalities that sustain health disparities amongst African Americans. The African American neighborhoods have been disproportionately impacted by the epidemic, with increased rates of infection and deaths as a result of social and economic hardship and limited access to high-level healthcare services.6 To address the inequalities’ roots, including structural racism, poverty, and access to healthcare, it will take a lot of effort to give a chance to the most disadvantaged in society, combining policy and structural changes related to the specific group. Counterargument Although acknowledging the uneven impact of COVID-19 on black Americans is important, there is a need to investigate counterarguments for an overall understanding of the issue. One opposing view asserts that the disparities uncovered during the pandemic cannot be solely attributed to societal inequalities but were also heavily influenced by the behaviours and decisions of individuals.7 This perspective points to factors like the prevalence of obesity, smoking habits and pre-existing health conditions, which are common among African-American communities as contributors to their higher susceptibility to severe COVID-19 outcomes. Health disparities are solely attributed to personal choices; nevertheless, individual actions play a part in health outcomes while neglecting larger structural determinants impacting health behaviors and outcomes.8 Moreover, many supporters of such earlier initiatives, including the Affordable Care Act (ACA), argue that they have greatly improved access to healthcare for disadvantaged communities. The ACA extended Medicaid coverage, subsidies were given for health insurance premiums, and insurance companies were not allowed to deny coverage based on pre-existing situations. Indeed, significant coverage gaps remain, particularly in states that have not expanded Medicaid, even though the ACA has provided access to healthcare for many people without question.3 In addition, access to healthcare is only one part of the puzzle; what also matters are the quality of care and cultural competence, both of which play essential roles. A counterargument that supports this argument is that race-based treatments, even though it is not meant to, may perpetuate racial divisions and overlook other vulnerable groups in the process.9 People who oppose the implementation of race-sensitive public health programs fear that it could lead to backlash and racial division as a result. Moreover, they advocate for universal programs that serve all disadvantaged groups irrespective of race. The issue of racial disparities in health outcomes rarely gets fully addressed by universal therapies, even though they have many virtues. The problem is that it does not recognize the structural racism which is embedded in our healthcare system; thus, rejecting race-specific interventions may make the inequities worse rather than making them disappear.3 Furthermore, the sceptics may deny the pragmatism and the long-term efficiency of the measures of the cited programs that seek to eliminate economic and healthcare inequalities. While the scale of financing and political will necessary to carry out widespread interventions can be daunting, these resources may not always be readily available, especially when crises arise.10 There are significant bottlenecks in ensuring and maintaining long-term interventions after the situation stabilizes towards the end of the pandemic. In the long run, efforts to reduce structural disparities can be defeated by economic constraints, changes in political objectives, and overlaps of other interests.5 The opponents of those measures might also suggest problems with future consequences and some adverse effects. However, expanding the Medicaid program may add to the already heavy-loaded health systems and worsen the provider shortage in poor areas. Additionally, the efforts to lessen vaccine reluctance in African American communities are not carried out considering what the community thinks. In that case, it may contribute to the growing distrust towards the medical establishment.11 The general public could perceive projects that address particular racial or ethnic groups as discriminatory.12 Therefore, the attempt to eliminat...