Religion as Imaginary Risk Buffer:Multiple Equilibria in Life Insurance
I want you to write a paper about multiple equilibria.
We see differences in behavior in outcomes and behavior all over the world. Some are economic- some people are wealthy and others are poor, people and countries are in different industries, have access to different transportation methods and networks, have different education/health/political systems, etc. Others are not economic – some people drive on the left and others on the right, countries have different types of power outlets, some people say “tu” and others say “vos” when talking to friends (while others don’t even talk in Spanish!), some people like spicy food and others don’t. We don’t always have to “see” the path not taken to think about it: for instance, consider about the qwerty default for keyboards, or that north is “up” in maps.
These differences in behavior could be due to fundamentals (for instance: spicy food is more useful in hot places), luck (spicy peppers happen to grow in Peru but not Argentina), or they could be due to self-reinforcing behavior (if kids aren’t brought up earing spicy food, they are unlikely to eat them as adults). Often the fundamental reason dies out, but the behavior remains, this is called hysteresis.[1]
In development, an iconic example of multiple equilibria are poverty traps: Kiminori Matsuyama has a helpful discussion of poverty traps here(https://faculty(dot)wcas(dot)northwestern(dot)edu/~kmatsu/Poverty%20Traps.pdf), and Mullaianathan and Shafir describe their behavioral poverty trap here (https://www(dot)npr(dot)org/2018/04/02/598119170/the-scarcity-trap-why-we-keep-digging-when-were-stuck-in-a-hole). We have discussed other settings with multiple equilibria in class, for instance the Magrebi and Genoese solutions to the fundamental problem of exchange, joining a coup from the third problem set, and the “big push” (some of this material will be covered after this prompt is posted).
For your final essay, I would like you to write about multiple equilibria. In particular, I would like you to discuss some feature of the world that you think is caused by multiple equilibria (and not by fundamental differences in exogenous characteristics.). These types of issues are equally as important for micro and macro settings, so you should feel free to focus a setting that you care about.[2] You do get credit for coming up with an interesting & unique idea. I would prefer that you not write about years of schooling, healthiness, or corruption, although if you have a topic that you are specifically excited about you should run it by me.
You should start your paper by describing exactly what the phenomenon you are interested in is. Even if you think your theory is more general, you should pick a specific context to discuss. You can describe your theory in math (which is what we did for the theories in class), or just words, but be sure to be clear exactly what the mechanism is that preserves different equilibria.
We also discussed convergence in class. We have seen that, among other things, cross country incomes, human capital, capital per worker, and manufacturing TFP have converged over the last few decades. Why do you think your observed differences will persist (and/or have persisted)?
You should then apply your theory to your specific context. Do the mechanisms you propose show up? You don’t have to do your own data collection/analysis (although it is strongly encouraged), but your paper does need to take the real world seriously. I would rather you didn’t try to write about all countries at once – you should really pick a specific place or two. Use specific details about those places to inform your argument.
You can draw from academic papers, policy briefs, newspaper articles, your own experiences, etc. Be sure think about causality – just because you see a relationship in the data, it doesn’t mean that it represents a causal effect (I’m not saying that you need an experiment, just that you need to be honest about what your data shows). If you want, you can describe why the different equilibria emerged – why do people behave differently? Hysteresis? Luck? Something else?
As we saw when we discussed the hunger poverty trap, mechanisms existing does not mean that there will be multiple equilibria (so: hunger probably does cause people to be less productive, and poorer people do eat less, but neither effect is large enough to create an S-shaped curve for the relationship between hunger today and hunger tomorrow). Given your answers in (b), do you think multiple equilibria is an explanation for the phenomena you describe in (a)? It is totally fine if the answer is “no” – please do not start a new topic if you discover that your theory is wrong. As long as your theory is plausible and you do good empirical work, I don’t care about the theory being correct or not. However, you should not say that your theory is correct if the evidence isn’t there.
The papers are graded holistically, so you don’t need to give each section equal weight: if you are really excited about theory (for instance, if you want to model your theory on the computer like in the third problem set), you can focus on that at the expense of the other sections (although you should probably talk with me first if you want to make the whole paper about one of the parts). In the past, students have deviated further from the prompt (for instance replicating the data analysis of a published paper, or discussing a policy whose motivation is shifting a group from one equilibrium to another), please talk with me if you are interested.
I will not grade you on the elegance of your writing, but your papers should at least be copy-edited (spelling and grammar checked). Similarly, you should cite your sources in a consistent & clear manner, but I do not care about the specific format.
Your essays should be around 2500 words, or roughly 10 double spaced pages of text. This is not very long, so please keep your paper focused: you don’t need to spend a page writing about the general theory of multiple equilibria before getting to your specific thesis. Please submit a (stapled & typed) hardcopy of this assignment in class, in my office, or in my mailbox on the 6th floor of 19 W4th Street. You must also submit a pdf of your paper to Brightspace. Everyone who wants one can get an extension until December 22nd at noon (you don’t have to ask). No further extensions will be given.
[1] To give a silly example: short hair is more useful if you are wearing a helmet, which is why in the West it is more traditional for men to have short hair. The short hair equilibrium persists even though helmet wearing is now fairly uncommon.
[2] The topic barely has to be about economics – as long as you are making an argument for multiple equilibria, I’m happy.
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Religion as an Imaginary Risk Buffer: Multiple Equilibria in Life Insurance
"Therefore, do not be anxious about tomorrow, for tomorrow will be anxious for itself. Sufficient for the day is its trouble (The ESV Bible, Matt 6.34)." Trends in life insurance uptake are one area that has gained increasing attention among economic researchers and seems to follow a similar drift recently observed among Israelites and Japanese in terms of their readiness to take the COVID-19 vaccine (Lahav et al. 1). While citizens from the two studied countries may have equal risks of coronavirus infections, Lahav et al.'s (1) study has found that Israelites with strong religious beliefs are less likely to take a jab than the less religious Japanese. Like vaccinations, life insurance cover protects individuals against future risks, although religious beliefs have been found to serve as imaginary risk buffers among some faithful based on the interpretation of religious texts such as the Bible (Scheve and Stasavage 255). In the United States, individuals sign a contract with an insurance company to pay a lump sum amount as a death benefit to beneficiaries in exchange for premium payments following death (Kilroy and Metz). Standard economics theories are often designed on assumptions that humans are rational actors in their self-interests.
Nevertheless, reliability in rationality has often been questionable when economic models fail to accurately predict market behaviors. The shortcomings of standard economic modeling of such behaviors tend to emerge from failure in economic theories to account for systematic mental biases inherent in all human decisions and judgments. An increasing amount of research in behavioral and quasi-rational economics has shown that humans are quasi-rational actors, largely impacted by the contexts while making decisions. Hoff and Stiglitz (25) view the decision-makers in such contexts as the enculturated actors, whose perceptions, preferences, and cognition are all subject to social contexts that they are accustomed to and cultural, mental models such as identities and categories worldviews, and narratives in making decisions. This paper attempts to apply quasi-rational economics and multiple equilibria concepts to suggest the role of an imaginary risk buffer accounting for differences in life insurance uptake among religious and secular states despite shared risks.
Trends in Life Insurance among Secular and Religious States
Economic theories that predict consumer behaviors and market trends traditionally assume that there exists a market equilibrium where consumers make optimal and rational choices concerning prevailing or anticipated future risks. The potential reason why this is not the case is that consumers are quasi rational in that their perceptions, preferences, and cognition are all subject to social contexts and cultural, mental models that inform their ways of making decisions (Hoff and Stiglitz 25). These observations inform that other players tend to impact consumption among consumers apart from the traditional laws of demand and supply. Accounting for these players, literature on multiple equilibria has investigated several areas that are constantly affected by these trends, including persistent poverty, excessive economic volatility, market fashions and fads, and other similar macroeconomic phenomena. These events often appear to be anomalies in traditional economic models of rational behaviors studied in economics. Due to a poor understanding of specific correlation and causal effects, factors resulting in multiple equilibria have been described using different terms, including "Animal spirits," "irrational exuberance," "sunspots," "bubbles" and "indeterminacy." John Maynard Keynes, the renowned British economist, termed these factors as "animal spirits" to describe people's behaviors in times of uncertainty and economic distress (Jang). The idea of multiple equilibria asserts that the future values of states in macroeconomics are challenging to accurately predict based on the present values of the states or from theoretical economic principles, even when firms maintain a complete rational behavior.
In dynamic economies, laws of motion describing macroeconomic states admit the existence of more than a single factor or broadly several asymptomatic players that are responsible for multiple equilibria. This concept can be demonstrated using an example of multiple laws of motion in describing a poorly understood but pernicious form of indeterminacy that occurs even when there are no other existing variables that directly link to the market or industry phenomenon. Similar to the Solow model, convergence models are poorly supported by data (Koutun and Karabona 4). For instance, even when the savings rates and the population growth rate may tend to be similar in two countries, the economic development measured by gross domestic product (GDP) per capita varies across different countries. Perhaps it might be suggested that the economic outcome also depends on the expectations or the history of a country. This logic might need the endogenization of factors that are considered exogenous in the Solow model. Multiple equilibria account for complex observations made, such as why the rates of investments in two seemingly similar countries could be different and why the given savings rates often translate to varying growth rates. History and expectations could be the invisible factors that impact different outcomes, and these might work through complementarities and increasing returns. In increasing returns, the more a country or citizens do something, the better they become at such. Besides, complementarities ascribe that the more other people do something, the greater incentive others gain to do it. In multiple stable equilibrium situations, self-fulfilling expectations might define the prevailing channel, either increasing returns or complementarities.
Informed by multiple equilibria, it then emerges that in countries where religion plays a significant role in the lives of citizens, the social spendingin terms of GDP per capita is always high. Scheve and Stasavage (5) identify social spending to particularly relate to spending in healthcare, unemployment benefits, as well as retirement spending. Among twenty OECD countries, those nations that were highly religious between 1990 and 1998 spent more compared to more secular countries as shown in Fig 1 below. The scatterplot shows a negative association between social spending and the levels of religiosity of countries. The x-axis represents the responses of citizens from the indicated countries about the importance of God in their lives while the y-axis reflects the amount spent by governments on social welfare. As observed, people’s attitudes, including those of governments, towards life and social insurance can be impacted by religion. In governments that believe religion is the ultimate cover in their uncertain days, they will spend less compared to those that are largely secular.
Fig 1 Relationship between the religiosity of countries and social spending (Scheve and Stasavage 6)
Concerning Fig 1 above, the OECD report shows that France spends higher than the United States but it emerges that France is more secular than the United States based on the responses. The latest figures show that France has higher numbers of atheists compared to the United States, according to the Pew Research Center as shown in Fig 2 below. In Fig 2, the percentage of Americans who are likely to be atheists, or disbelief in God is 4 % while that of France is 15%. However, according to Worldometer, while the United States has a population of 331 million, France has only 65 million, which is almost a fifth of the total population in the United States. Yet, the levels of social spending in France are higher compared to that in the U.S. Following the traditional demand and supply theory, economists would expect the levels of social spending in the U.S to be higher compared to those in the United States. Statistics from the OECD also show that France is ahead of the United States in terms of social spending in pension benefits and private social health support through taxes. France is ranked first in gross public social spending and first in terms of net total social spending. Contrary, the United States is ranked position 21 among all OECD countries on the same metrics as France as shown in Fig 3 below.
Fig 2 Map showing percentages of secularity among different countries (Pew Research Center)
Fig 3 Gross and net social spending in OECD countries in 2017 (OECD)
From Fig 1, Italy is highly religious compared to Iceland, but more than Iceland. This observation shows a non-linear correlation between religiosity and social welfare spending, which calls for a theory that accounts for these differences. The theory of multiple equilibria resolves to account for these peculiarities in observations made in Fig 1.
Analysis
Scheve and Stasavage (19) suggest that religious participation depends on a network of externalities, meaning that the more one anticipates that others will behave more religiously, the greatest pleasure they expect to derive from becoming religious. In their analysis, the authors also suggest that two different countries may present with similar parameters based on economic risks denoted as (λ, θ) and preferences about leisure time α, but may have varying equilibrium outcomes in terms of social insurance and religiosity. The authors have modeled the network externality, v for individual, i as a function of the preferences based on the religiosity of other persons as shown in Equatio...
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