Police Reforms in the Wake of George Floyd Killing by the Police

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Police Reforms in the Wake of George Floyd Killing by the Police
The killing of George Floyd by the police in 2019 marked a watershed moment in the history of policing in the United States. While the killing was a similar occurrence to many other incidences in history, it also occurred when it could be broadcasted to millions around the world. More than ever, the American law enforcement problems became a matter of national and global debate resulting in a movement that called for extensive police reforms, including a call for cuts in budget allocation and changes in how law enforcement is carried out (O'Donnell and O'Kruk). Following the public outcry coupled with the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests, many local legislatures introduced bills to reform police departments and curb police brutality.
In this regard, the current paper seeks to identify and explore New York City's efforts towards these reforms. However, before discussing New York City, the paper lays the ground on how the country has come to this point by looking at history and statistics. The third section focuses on how the police reform movement has spurred changes. In contrast, the fourth section dwells on the fundamental changes within the New York City department. However, while these changes are welcome, especially for minority groups and people of color, their efficacy and long-term outcomes are debatable. To this end, the fifth section of the paper explores some of the arguments people make within and outside law enforcement.
The Emergence of the Police Reform Movement
Calls for police reforms are not a new phenomenon in the United States. Indeed, many of the proposals under consideration, due to public outrage, have encountered deliberate push-back for decades, going as far as the Progressive Era of the 20th century (Lai). Across American history, a push for more police accountability has, more than often, been defeated or turned out to be a mere band-aid solution (Ray and Neily). Police brutality, corruption, and accountability are among the contentious issues that the push for reforms targets. Since this is a historical issue, these problems have always existed within police departments with influence from broader forces such as politics and systemic inequality. The easiest way to map these occurrences is to explore what data says, especially when African Americans are involved.
A Disproportionate Share of Negative Experiences by African Americans
Black people make up 13% of the American population (USCB). Given the difference between this figure and that of White Americans (58%), it would be expected that whites would have a higher rate of interaction with the criminal justice system. However, African Americans face 21% (Harrell and Davis) of police contact and makeup 33% (Haynes) of the people behind bars. Additionally, whites are three times less likely to be killed by the police than African Americans. At a more detailed view, research indicates that black drivers are 20% more likely to be stopped (and two times more likely to be searched) by police than white drivers relative to their respective share of the residential population (Open_Policing). These statistics indicate that policing in the United States is unfair and discriminative. Researchers, scholars, and historians have attributed the discrimination to the unjust historical treatment of minority groups that the Civil Rights Movement aimed to end.
Events During Derek Chauvin Trial
If these statistics are not convincing of this problem, then the events during the Derek Chauvin trial also speak as much. Within three weeks since the start of the trial, police killed an average of 3 people per day, of which only half have been ruled as justifiable (Ray). In a more chilling case, Ma’Khia Byant called the police for protection and became a victim at their brutal hands (Cineas). The outcome is essential for the black community and the entire American public. After all, through public coffers, settlements for police misconduct are paid. Between 2015 and 2019, municipalities with the largest police departments paid over $2 billion for civil rights violations and wrongdoings (Calvert and Frosch). Thus, the push for police reforms is not just a black people’s agenda but a national desire.
Nationwide Response to Police Reforms
The push for police reforms has not only heightened the issue of racial discrimination but has also resulted in a push for legislative reforms. Between 2019 and 2021, more than 260 police reform bills have been passed across the country (O'Donnell and O'Kruk). According to the National Conference on State Legislatures, more than 3,000 police bills were passed in 39 states in April of 2020. While these bills seek to resolve issues around the death of George Floyd, they are also targeting broader issues like defunding police departments, use-of-force standards, police training, and issues affecting investigations on officer-involved shootings.
Reforms Related to George Floyd Incidence and More Comprehensive Changes
Issues related to the George Floyd case include use of force, the duty to officers to intervene when another officer is out of line, and policies relating to police misconduct reporting and decertification (Subramanian and Arzy). Twenty-five states and DC have passed legislation that addresses one or more issues around George Floyd's killing. In Colorado, for instance, house Bill 1250 reiterates that Colorado law enforcement can only use deadly force as a last resort after exhausting all reasonable de-escalation techniques and tactics (Paul). Further, the deadly force used by the police is supposed to be proportional to the level of the threat. This aspect of legislation seeks to end circumstances such as those in which George Floyd died; under the knee of a police officer. Additionally, nine states have, so far, banned chokeholds and other neck-related constraints (CCJ). In reaction to the killing of Adam Toledo, five states have enacted a restriction on shooting at fleeing vehicles or suspects. Further, regarding George Floyd's case, 12 states have created a duty for officers to intervene with excessive or illegal force in law enforcement. Consequently, officers who fail to intervene may face criminal liability and discretionary decertification. While these examples are reactionary, they also encompass broader issues, as seen under the New York case.
History of Police Reforms in New York
New York stands out as the oldest formal police department (Lai) and with oversight over the most significant American city population (8.5 million). Established in 1845, the NYPD employs 19,000 civilians and 36,000 officers (NYPD). Thus, reforms that take place here can significantly impact reforms elsewhere within the country. Historically, the NYPD has been the center of the push for police reform. Some of the standout reforms that the department had undergone before the rise of the current police reform movement include the institution of semi-annual examinations, consolidation of power among police chiefs, professionalization of police work, and creation of an academy that enforces examination and training.
Current Reforms by New York City
In the current push, New York City has reacted by defunding the police department, banning chokeholds, assigning officers involved in death special prosecutors, making it easy to sue misconduct, limiting qualified immunity, and repealing 50 – A. In terms of defunding the police department, the New York City council voted in 2020 to reallocate $1 billion (Rubinstein and Mays). Instead, the money is to be allocated to public solutions like community outreach programs and education that directly and indirectly influence the interaction of the police and the public. Other cities like Los Angeles have proposed a similar action in which the funds will be re-directed to community programs like violence prevention and supportive housing.
New York was also the first city to end qualified immunity. Qualified immunity refers to a series of legal precedents that protect government officials accused of violating constitutional rights. Ending qualified immunity means that individual officers take personal responsibility for their actions. In his argument, City Council Speaker Corey Johnson argued that "rooted in our nation's history of systemic racism, qualified immunity denied Freedom Riders justice and continues to be used to deny justice victims of police abuse" (CBS). This timely argument makes sense given that only half have been ruled as justified of the 64 victims of police killing in the first three weeks of the Derek Chauvin trial. Not a single officer has been brought to book (Ray). Ending qualified immunity and making it easy to sue police officers is expected to address these and similar cases to hold government officials accountable and responsible.
Additionally, section 50-a of New York's civil rights law bars access to officers' disciplinary records. A previous incident that fueled the repealing of this section involved the shooting of an armed 18-year-old black teenager, Ramarley Graham, by Richard Haste, an NYPD police officer. In this incident, Graham's mother tried to obtain information about the sh...