Policy Memorandum on NATO Policy Analysis

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Professor's Name
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To: President Joe Biden
From: International Organization Theory Expert
Date: 8/11/2022
Subject: NATO Policy Analysis
Policy Memorandum
Russia's invasion of Ukraine poses the biggest threat to European peace and security since the Cold War's conclusion. On February 21, 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin delivered a strange and sometimes delusory speech in which he enumerated a slew of grievances as a reason for the "special military operation" that began the next day. The major focus of the talk was the legitimacy of Ukrainian identity and statehood ("Russia's War in Ukraine: Identity, History, and Conflict"). These issues included the continuing NATO enlargement conflict and the design of Europe's post-Cold War security architecture.
Overall, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) goal grew from the commitment to collective security. NATO adjourns immediately to intervene in dire conflicts needing to invoke articles four and five. This memorandum address matters around the Russia-Ukraine conflict. In addition, the memorandum will recommend solutions to the mentioned problem.
Background of the Russia-Ukraine War
Under Putin's leadership, Moscow has adopted a policy toward Belarus and Ukraine predicated on the idea that these countries' various national identities are artificial and unreliable. Putin's claims that foreign adversaries are advancing Ukrainian (and, to a lesser extent, Belarusian) identity as part of a geopolitical conflict against Russia are troubling. Just as many of his forefathers refused to recognize the agency of ordinary people seeking independence from tsarist or Soviet rule (Welt). Vladimir Putin, a history buff, regularly references the theories of thinkers who highlighted the organic unity of the Russian Empire and its people, particularly its Slavic, Orthodox core, in the form of "politics of eternity," the belief in an eternally fixed historical essence.
The ties between the West and Russia changed after the 2004 "Orange Revolution" and under Viktor Yushchenko's presidency, when Ukraine's foreign policy was reoriented towards the E.U. and NATO. Russia rejected the Western-backed recognition of Kosovo's declaration of independence in February 2008, claiming that it violated international law and threatened the status quo of global relations ("Understanding the Roots of the Russia-Ukraine War and the Misuse of History"). A few months later, Russian President Dmitriy Medvedev highlighted the Kosovo precedent and the US-led coalition invasion of Iraq as two instances in which western powers had violated international law, establishing a new course for Russian foreign policy in 2008. The NATO Bucharest Summit Declaration on Ukraine and Georgia in April 2008 and the U.S. missile defense plans in Europe were the main points of friction between Russia and the West in the ensuing months.
NATO's Policy Analysis of the Current Situation
NATO strongly refutes Russia's atrocious and unlawful aggression against Ukraine, a crucial Allie and a free, democratic, and independent country. NATO and its partners have supported Ukraine, helping defend its fundamental right to self-defense. NATO assists Allies in delivering non-lethal and humanitarian aid and managing Ukraine's aid requests.
More generally, the Allies have the assurance that they may transfer weapons to Ukraine without jeopardizing their security because of NATO's Article 5 security guarantee and its unwavering commitment to collective defense (NATO). Furthermore, thanks to the alliance's established framework of uniform standards and interoperable systems, allies may contribute equipment to Ukraine with the confidence that it can be replaced by complementary equipment from other allies.
NATO member countries provide light and heavy military equipment, like howitzers, drones, and anti-tanks. NATO allies have so far supplied military weapons worth billions of euros to Ukraine. This impacts the battlefield daily and helps Ukraine defend its right to self-defense, as the UN Charter provides.
Additionally, Ukraine is getting financial assistance worth billions of euros from partners. Millions of Ukrainian refugees are housed by partners who also provide humanitarian aid. Allies collaborate with relevant international parties to bring perpetrators responsible for war crimes, including sexual assault, committed during a conflict. Allies have also collaborated to promote international measures allowing grain exports from Ukraine and alleviating the global food crisis.
At the June 2022 Madrid Summit, allied leaders agreed on a more extensive support package for Ukraine. This support includes fuel, body armor, medical supplies, winter clothes, equipment to combat mines, chemical and biological threats, and transportable anti-drone gadgets. In addition to strengthening interoperability with allies' forces, allies pledged to help Ukraine replace Soviet-era equipment with new NATO equipment and improve Ukrainian military and security institutions. The alliance is dedicated to helping Ukraine in the long run and supporting its post-war reconstruction and reforms.
NATO defense preparations were triggered in reaction to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and thousands more soldiers were transferred across the Atlantic. More than 40,000 soldiers and major aviation and naval assets are now directly under NATO command along the alliance's eastern flank, supplemented by hundreds of thousands more from Allies' national deployments (NATO). In addition to the existing battle groups in Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, and Poland, NATO quickly established four more multinational battle groups in Romania, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and Hungary. The eight battle groups stretch from the Black Sea in the south to the Baltic Sea in the north along NATO's eastern border.
However, despite all the policies in place, some weaknesses exist on the NATO front. Vladimir Putin, the president of Russia, is aware that the European Union is one of his genuine allies in the current challenging situation. Viktor Orbán, Hungary's prime minister, is undoubtedly one (Bechev). He arrived in Moscow on February 1 to meet with the Russian president as the possibility of an invasion by some 100,000 Russian troops and heavy equipment loomed over Ukraine.
To capitalize on his unique connections to the Kremlin, Orbán may appear to be breaking with NATO and the E.U. Other leaders in Eastern Europe may be wary of upsetting Moscow. However, that does not always imply that the alliance's Eastern flank is weak. The current regional developments highlight the benefits of NATO membership for Hungary and other countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The remainder of Central Europe does not appear to be affected by Orbán's political games.
The Law and Justice Party administration in Poland, which frequently joins its Hungarian counterpart in opposing the E.U., has been one of the loudest proponents of a forceful NATO reaction to Russia's maneuvering in Ukraine, even criticizing Germany's hesitation to arm Ukraine. Orbán is not alone, however. Other administrations in the area avoid getting into arguments with Putin. With his announcement that Zagreb will not engage in a NATO military action in Ukraine (as if one were in the works) and referring to it as one of the "most corrupt countries in the world," Croatian President Zoran Milanovi dropped a bombshell on January 25 (Bechev). The uncertainty that resulted from this had to be clarified publicly, and the Ukrainian people had to be apologized to by Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovi.
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