The Democratic Party and the American Working Class

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE AMERICAN WORKING CLASS
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The Democratic Party and the American Working Class
Introduction
The past few years have been marked by a political realignment where traditional Democrats in rural regions are switching to the Republican side while ancestral Republican areas, especially in suburbs, vote Democrat. This restructuring has resulted in many questioning if the Democratic Party can still be described as the party of the American working class with some claiming that it is now the party of the upper middle-class. Democrats have largely been regarded as the party of the working class since Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency, particularly after he orchestrated the New Deal, which addressed many of the economic concerns held by the working class (ICPSR, 2021). For instance, the enactment of the National Industry Recovery Act, fair labor standards, Social Security, and other pro-labor laws under Roosevelt’s administration was well received by the blue-collar population. Consequently, union workers, particularly in rural areas, became staunch supporters of the Democratic Party although this has largely changed during the last elections (Apple, 2021). This essay will try to examine the question of whether the Democrats can still be considered to be a party of the American working class in light of recent shifts in previously Democratic strongholds.
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Before arguing for or against the Democratic as a party for the working class, it is best to analyze why the party was generally associated with the working class. More importantly, it is important to distinguish the white working class from the working class (which includes all ethnic groups and marginalized groups including LGBT and feminists). This distinction is at the heart of the debate because the inclusion of these groups into the working class category is largely the premise of the ongoing claims that the Democrats are no longer a party of the working class. It must be understood that the white working class and the current working class group of today is populated by other ethnic groups and marginalized populations whose worldview differs markedly from that of most white blue collar households, particularly in areas where working class groups are traditionally conservative. This clash in worldviews is the reason why most white constituencies that had traditionally voted for the Democratic Party (that has progressively incorporated other worldviews contrary to those of white working class into its manifestos) are gradually pulling away from the Democratic Party. For this reason, this essay will first analyze the white working class of the early 40s and why the Democratic New Deal that was started by Roosevelt has traditionally appealed to this group. It will also analyze the emergence of contrary worldviews within the Democratic Party and why this progressiveness is the basis for the recent political realignments.
The White Working Class of the Early To Mid-20th Century
The American working class is largely assumed to be white even when recent survey data indicates that minority groups are more likely not to have a college degree and to have lower incomes that whites. The working class traces back to the early 1900s and therefore this long-held assumption lies in the traditionally visualized ethnic white worker toiling in blue collar settings and a protypical member of a unionized factory. Besides, the electorate up to the mid-60s was almost all white since blacks were prohibited from voting and there were few minority immigrants then (Hughey, 2017). However, as the population of immigrants became more non-white and continued to comprise the larger percentage of those with lower incomes, any analysis about the decline in the Democratic American working class population must distinguish between the white working class and the working class as a whole. (Cowie, 2016). The current working class is most comprised of minority groups and infused with the worldviews of marginalized groups such as feminists and the LGBT group. These new groups hold different worldviews from those held by the traditionally visualized ethnic white worker.
In order to better understand the recent schisms in the Democratic Party it is best to first analyze the strong relationship New Deal Democrats had with the white working class during the Roosevelt administration. During the 40s, America was a primarily white working class nation with most adults above the age of 25 having a high school diploma or less and working in unionized factories or other blue-collar industries such as transportation and construction (Cowie and Salvatore, 2008). The New Deal Democratic perspective was largely founded on the Democrats’ momentous mainstream commitment to the common American working class household and their struggles in fighting the Great Depression. The party managed to hold significant sway over this segment using the rather simple philosophy of increasing government spending and regulation while strengthening labor unions (Abramowitz and Barkley, 2008). All these efforts were geared towards helping the average blue-collar American and regulating the debilitating effects of capitalism. Then, the concern was more about putting money in the average person’s pocket that addressing issues relating to the quality of life.
The New Deal Democratic understood that the typical American working class man wished that traditional morality be respected and while racism or other forms of discrimination were evil, they were not so important as to have the party depart from the main objective of uplifting the economic lives of the average American (Manza, 2000). All these perspectives had deep roots in the fact that most workers in mass production industries were predominantly white and it therefore helped the Democrats to align with the undisputed values of the white working class. Although there were critical divisions among the population based on country of origin, the New Deal Democrats managed to overcome any political complications arising from these differences by committing to the fundamental values held by every working class voter (Montgomery, 1994). Although the New Deal Coalition included most blacks and other minority populations such as the Jews and southerners, most members of the coalition were white. On the whole, the party’s political success rested in its ability to hold the worldviews of the white working class as demonstrated by the party’s popularity in the 50s and 60s.
However, the first mass middle class started taking form in the mid-60s when a significant proportion of factory workers began earning relatively decent wages without going to college or receiving any vocational training. As more blue-collar workers aspired to achieve the same social status, the relationship between the New Deal Democrats and the American working class population strengthened (Abramowitz and Barkley, 2008). The latter relied on the former to run the country’s economy in a manner that facilitated social mobility and therefore gave their political support unquestioningly. Issues such as social justice were considered peripheral to the more important agenda of middle class moving. However, the rather uncomplicated arrangement would soon be arrested by the gradual decline of mass production industries and the emergence of postindustrial capitalism. As white working class families became richer, more college educated, and entering into white collar professions, the blue-collar industry became less unionized. This social transformation saw a declining size and influence of New Deal Democrats in historical blue-collar constituencies (Manza, 2000).
The Emergence of Schisms within the Democratic Working Class
The start of the postindustrial capitalism period created new voter movements with different demands that differed from the characteristic desire for steady economic growth, traditional family values, and large infrastructural investments. The new working class generation wanted more from the Democratic Party than the promise of job security. Quality of life concerns became more paramount including safe automobiles, equality, clean water and air, and government-guaranteed health care in old age, among others (Oestreicher, 1988). During this period, several movements that conflicted with the previous fundamental worldviews emerged. The 60s saw the rise of consumer, civil rights, environmental, and feminist movements flood the political scene as more Americans embraced a more open-minded perspective of personal life. As more women and homosexuals asserted their sexual freedom and minority groups took to the streets to demand for social justice, the traditional Democratic values began to be challenged (Abramowitz and Barkley, 2008). However, the civil rights movement was by far the biggest challenge to the fundamental values held by the Democratic Party.
The black community insisted on equality and the Democrats could no longer downplay their anti-racist ideology. They had to make concrete efforts towards appeasing the demands of this group. The Negro socioeconomic revolution would pose enormous political challenges for the Democrats among the largely white working class supporters. Many white democratic strongholds objected to the idea of using tax dollars to fund a program that did not benefit them (Abramowitz and Barkley, 2008). The party’s decision to support the civil rights movement was contrary to the long-held view that the few rich ...