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What do we learn about African Societies using oral history?

Essay Instructions:

this essay should be fully referenced, in dissertation style with bibliography. the 4400 should include notes and captions but not the bibliography. I would prefer the bulk of references for this work to be from;

- *White, Luise (2000) 'Telling More: Lies, Secrets and History', History and Theory 39(4), pp. 11- 22.

 *Geiger, Susanne N.G. (1986) 'Women's Life Histories: Method and Content', Signs 11(2), pp. 334-51.

 *Jessee, Erin (2011) ‘The Limits of History: Ethics and Methodology amid highly politicized settings’ Oral History Review 38 (2), pp 287-307

 *Thompson, Allistair (2010) ‘Memory and Remembering in Oral History’, in Ritchie, Donald A. The Oxford Handbook of Oral History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 7796.

 *Field, Sean (2009) ‘Turning Up the Volume: Dialogues about Memory Create Oral Histories’. South African Historical Journey 60 (2), pp 175-194.

 Krauss, Taylor (2014) ‘In The Ghost Forest: Listening to Tutsi Rescapés’, in Cave, Mark and Sloan, Stephen S. (ed) (2014) Listening on the Edge: Oral History in the Aftermath of Crisis. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 91-110.





 L. White, S. Miescher & D.W. Cohen (ed) (2001) African words, African voices: critical practices in oral history, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

 High, Steven (ed) (2015) Beyond Testimony and Trauma: Oral History in the Aftermath of Mass Violence. Vancouver: University of British Colombia Press [contains many examples of oral history work]

 High, Steven, Little, Edward and Thi Ry Duong (ed) (2014) Remembering Mass Violence: Oral History, New Media and Performance. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. [contains many examples of oral history projects]

 Cave, Mark and Sloan, Stephen S. (ed) (2014) Listening on the Edge: Oral History in the Aftermath of Crisis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [contains many examples of oral history projects]

 Armitage, Susanne (2010) ‘The States of Women’s Oral History’, in Ritchie, Donald A.

The Oxford Handbook of Oral History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 169-186  Jessee (2017) ‘Managing Danger in Oral Historical Fieldwork’, in Oral History Review 44 (2), pp. 322-347.

 Borland, Katherine (1991) ‘”That’s Not What I Said”: Interpretive Conflict in Oral Narrative Research’, in Sherna Berger Gluck and Daphne Patai (ed.) Women’s Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History. New York: Routledge, pp. 63-76;

 Yow, Valerie (1997) ‘”Do I Like Them Too Much?”: Effects of the Oral History Interview on the Interviewer and Vice-Versa,” Oral History Review 24 (1), pp. 55-79.

 Sheftel, Anna and Stacey Zembrzycki, Stacey (eds.) (2013) Oral History Off the Record: Toward an Ethnography of Practice. New York: Palgrave McMillan. [contains examples of struggles, failures and negative outcomes in oral history projects]

 Bouka, Youlande (2015) ‘Researching Violence in Africa as a Black Women: Notes from Rwanda’, Research in Difficult Settings Working Paper Series, May 2015, http://conflictfieldresearch(dot)col gate.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2015/05/Bouka_WorkingPaper-May2015.pdf.

 Sheftel, Anna and Stacey Zembrzycki, Stacey (2010) ‘Only Human: A Reflection on the Ethical and Methodological Challenges of Working with “Difficult” Stories’ Oral History Review 37 (2), pp. 180-191.

 Roper, Michael (2003) ‘Analysing the Analysed: Transference and Counter-Transference in the Oral History Encounter’ Oral History 31 (2), pp. 20-32.

 Abrams, Lynn (2010) Oral History Theory, New York: Routledge.

 Robben, Antonius (1996) ‘Ethnographic Seduction, Transference, and Resistance in Dialogues about Terror in Argentina,’ Ethos 24 (1), pp. 73-100.

 Field, Sean (2006) ‘Beyond “Healing”: Trauma, Oral History and Regeneration,’ Oral History 34 (1), pp.31-42.  Green, A. (2004) ‘”Individual Remembering and Collective Memory”: Theoretical Presuppositions and Contemporary Debates’ Oral History 32 (2), pp. 35-44.

 Radstone, S (2000) Memory and Methodology. Oxford: Berg Publishers.

 Fujii, Anne Lee (2010) ‘Shades of Truth and Lies: Interpreting Testimonies of War and Violence’ Journal of Peace Research 47 (2), pp. 231-241.

 Morris, Z. S. (2009) ‘The Truth About Interviewing Elites’, Politics 29, pp. 209-2017.

 Field, Sean (2010) Disappointed Remains: Trauma, Testimony, and Reconciliation in Post-apartheid South Africa, in Ritchie, Donald A. The Oxford Handbook of Oral History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 142-159.

 Samuel R and Thompson, P. (1990) The Myths We Live By. London: Routledge.

 Tonkin, E. (1986) 'Investigating Oral Tradition', Journal of African History 27(2), pp. 20313.

 Vansina, Jan (1981) 'Oral Tradition and its Methodology', in Methodology and African prehistory: General history of Africa, J. Ki-Zerbo (ed.), London & Berkeley, pp.142-65.

 van Onselen, C. (1993)'The Reconstruction of a Rural Life from Oral Testimony: Critical Notes on the Methodology Employed in the Study of a Black South African Sharecropper,' Journal of Peasant Studies, 20(3), pp. 494-514.  Barber, K. & P.F.d.M. Farias (1989) (eds.) Discourse and its disguises: The interpretation of African oral texts, Birmingham.


 P.R. Thompson (2000) The voice of the past: oral history, Oxford: Oxford University Press.


 Portelli, A. (1981) ‘What Makes Oral History Different?’, History Workshop 12, pp. 96-107, reprinted in The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories (1991), 45-58, and in R. Perks and Thomson, A. (eds.) The Oral History Reader, (1998), chapter 6.

 Ritchie, D. (2001) Doing Oral History. A Practical Guide , pp. 47-109.

 Tonkin, E. (1992) Narrating the Past: The Social Construction of Oral History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

 M.F. Smith Baba of Karo: A woman of the Hausa, London, 1954.


 C. Van Onselen The seed is mine: the life of Kas Maine, a South African sharecropper, 1894-1985, New York, 1996.


 Onselen, C.V. (1990) 'Race and Class in the South African Countryside: Cultural Osmosis and Social Relations in the Sharecropping Economy of the South Western Transvaal, 1900-1950', The American Historical Review 95(1), pp. 99-123.


 M. Wright (1993) Strategies of slaves & women: life-stories from East/Central Africa, London.

 J. Iliffe (1973) Modern Tanzanians: a volume of biographies, Nairobi.


 S. Geiger (1997) TANU Women: gender and culture in the making of Tanganyikan nationalism, 1955-1965, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

 L. White Speaking with Vampires: Rumor and History in Colonial Africa, CA, 2000 (Free online version http://ark(dot)cdlib(dot)org/ark:/13030/ft8r29p2ss/).

 Bozzoli, B. & N. Mmantho (1991) Women of Phokeng: Consciousness, Life Strategy and Migrancy in South Africa 1900-1983, London: James Currey.

 James, D. (2000) Songs of the women migrants, Johannesburg: University of Witwatersrand.

 Delius, P. (1996) A lion amongst the cattle: reconstruction and resistance in the Northern Transvaal, Oxford: J. Currey.


 Shostak, M. & Nisa Nisa (1981), The life and words of a !Kung woman, Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press.

 Shostak, M. (1987) 'What the Wind Wont Take Away - the Oral-History of an African Foraging Woman', International Journal of Oral History 8(3), pp. 171-81.

Essay Sample Content Preview:

 

LEARNING AFRICAN SOCIETIES USING ORAL HISTORY   Name Class Date               Africa is a large continent made up of societies as diverse as its landscape. African societies are arguably the most complex and diverse in the entire planet. This notwithstanding, African societies have traditionally been misunderstood and misinterpreted. Moreover, the African societies have been stereotyped for far too long that in some instances, the false narrative has gotten entrenched into peoples’ minds. When African societies are mentioned, the picture of bloody tyrannies, oppressed women, social and political inequality, as well as other vices come to the minds of many people. However, though such issues are found in the African society, just like in other societies around the around, the story of the African story is rarely wholly told. Moreover, whenever it is told, it is bound to be told by an outsider who might not have the whole truth. Up until the later years of the colonial period, most western historians believed that no civilization existed in Africa south of the Sahara and hence a huge chunk of the continent was taken to have no history. After independence, a period characterized by decolonization, Africanists sought to correct the narrative (Afolayan 2012). For these reasons, the study of African societies has been a rich ground in scholarship in the recent past. Africa is considered the home of humanity since the earliest evidence of human existence has been discovered on the continent. With a history stretching more than 200,000 years back, the continent has seen societies of different kinds and forms. Due to this diversity and complexity of the African societies, its study is usually a daunting task. An interdisciplinary approach is required to understand and evaluate the economic, social, political, as well as cultural institutions of the continents in order to gain an in-depth insight into its societies. Over time, the study of African societies has grown to become an established field of academia encompassing sophisticated analysis which is more complex than the works carried out in the earlier years. Until recently, African history was not studied as an independent field (White et al. 2001). Fortunately, the reignited interest in the history of the continent has shone more light on the nature of its societies. Societies in ancient Africa can be broadly divided into four; hunter-gatherer societies, stateless societies, city-state societies, and kingdoms. The hunter-gatherer societies consisted of nomads who traversed the continent in search of food and other natural resources. These societies were highly egalitarian; all its members, including women, were treated equally (Hill et al. 2011). The stateless societies were much larger than the hunter-gatherer societies, but still not large enough to raise the need for a central government. The societies did not have any form of organized governance but rather dealt with various issues democratically taking into consideration the needs of every member. Societies larger than the stateless societies were governed by organized governments and can be referred to as city-state governments. Such societies existed along the River Nile and the Red Sea and were important trade centers. Social stratification was a characteristic of these societies. They consisted of leaders, merchants, laborers, and slaves. The kingdoms were also highly stratified societies usually controlled by a strong central government led by kings. Through the use of powerful armies, the kingdoms controlled resources and trade within the kingdoms. Unlike the other forms of societies, egalitarianism was low in kingdoms (Forde and Kaberry 2018). Women were seen as inferiors, but the slaves occupied the lowest place in the society. Since people in ancient Africa were mostly illiterate, there exist no written records of its history or the nature of its societies. Therefore, oral history remains the most effective way of learning about African societies. However, oral history has some limitations that cast doubts over its ability to depict the African societies correctly. This paper seeks to explore what we learn about African societies using oral history. Oral History             Oral history refers to the collection as well as the study of historical information on individuals, families, and societies through the use of recorded interviews. The interviews are conducted on people who participated in or observed the events being studied or people who still possess the memories of such events. Information gathered in such a manner as well as works written using the data are also referred to as oral history (Tonkin 1992). Oral history majorly strives to obtain a history that cannot be obtained from written sources. The knowledge obtained through oral history is unique in that it carries the opinions, thoughts, perceptions as well as the understanding of the interviewee in the rawest of forms. Oral history has grown over time to become a critical part of historical research. Various academic institutions have established oral history departments charged with the task of recording, transcription, and preservation of oral history interviews. Oral history has succeeded in democratizing history due to its ability to bring the narratives of people and societies, especially those absent in the archives, into the conversation in the same way as the narratives advanced by political and intellectual elites. Oral history can also help people contextualize crisis and help them process traumatic events better (Krauss 2014). For Africa, whose history was for a long time not seen as a subject worthy of historical research, oral history helps restore the African expression and African history (White et al. 2001). Various methods are used in oral history. Open-ended questions are most preferred since they allow the interviewee to say all that they think is relevant. In the modern world, almost everything is documented. For the generations that came before us, writings on caves can be termed as their way of documenting (Yow 1994). However, none of these methods are fully trusted. The authenticity of written documents has been questioned severally throughout history. If documented history can be refuted, can oral history be trusted? This is the major downside of oral history. Its authenticity exclusively lies in the power of the interviewee. Moreover, the interviewee depends on their memory to recall an event that they witnessed in the past or an event they were told about by their grandparents (Borland 1991). Memory fades over time. It is, therefore, possible that as the memory loses its edges, some history is lost with it. Memory continuously creates meanings rather than being a passive store of facts. The memory of the interviewer is also critical in the interpretation of oral history (Thompson 2011). Oral history is also subject to exaggeration and personal bias. For instance, where the interviewee is talking about their tribe, they might exaggerate the things done by their leaders or legends to appear superior to the other tribes. In such instances, what we consume is usually an inflated version of a story that got continuously exaggerated over the generations (Field 2009). Touching on matters that the interviewee does not like might change their attitude and opinions towards the entire interview. The interviewer might affect the interviewee’s perspective just as the interviewee might affect the interviewer’s (Yow 1997). The limits of the methods of oral history have also been extensively questioned in the recent past (Jessee 2011). However, regardless of these shortcomings, oral history remains a fertile ground for research into the African societies and African history in general. Structure of Leadership in African Societies             Long before the colonization of Africa, an effective system of leadership existed. The system was backed by traditional customs, rituals, philosophies, and taboos and it worked effectively. Unfortunately, the effectiveness of these systems has largely been diluted in history books majorly because western explorers, who were the first people to document Africa’s history, interpreted the existing institutions and systems with preformed judgments and mindsets. They came looking for systems and institutions similar to those that existed back home, and when they did not find any, the African societies were simply dismissed as inconsequential. Though not consistent throughout the continent, some African societies had an elaborate structure of leadership that played a major role in the early resistance to invasion by foreigners (Dalius 1996).             The type of society dictated the structure of leadership in African societies. The family was the basic unit of the societies. The man of the family acted as the head in most societies. They were in charge of all the activities of the family. Since the hunter-gatherer societies were relatively small, the family leadership was the highest form of leadership (Middleton and Tait 2013). For larger societies such as the stateless and the city-state societies, a form of a council of elders was formed to oversee the activities of the society. The society consisted of senior members of the society. While the council was exclusively made up of men in patrilineal societies, other societies incorporated women in the council. Kingdoms and chiefdoms had the most elaborate form of leadership. It was led by a king or a chief respectively. Some societies were also led by queens (Williams 2003). Under the king, several other positions of leadership were held by various members of the society. Religion in African Societies             Religion is an integral part of any society. Religion helps shape the morals and beliefs of a society. It gives the members of the society a purpose for living and provides the moral and ethical framework that helps avoid and solve conflicts. Religion also helps meet various needs of the society. Since human beings lack an absolute understanding of the complexity of the world, religion helps answer some of the questions that the mortal brain cannot answer. Most importantly, religion acts as a glue that binds the people of a certain society together. Contrary to some beliefs, religion was not introduced to Africa by outsiders. Various religious practices were observed by different African societies long before the introduction of Christianity and Islam. The religions are probably as old as the human civilization on the continent. The religions were passed from generation to generation by word of mouth. However, unlike Abrahamic religions, the religions practiced in African societies were more of lived traditions rather than faith. They were more concerned with ceremonies, rituals, and practices rather than doctrines (Parsons 1964).             African societies held diverse beliefs that were exclusively oral rather than scriptural. However, though the religious practices varied from one society to the other, their similarities are more than the differences. According to oral history, all African societies believed in the existence of a supreme creator. African cosmology strongly points to the existence of a supreme being who created the universe. They also believed in the existence of spirits, and the dead were venerated. Use of traditional medicine and magic was also practiced (Turner 1972). The role of humanity was taken to be the harmonizing of the natural world with the supernatural. Humans were believed to stand between their ancestors and the unborn. Ancestors formed an integral part of all the undertakings of the society, from weddings to births and burials. Though a large percentage of the African population was converted to either Christianity or Islam; traditional religions are still widely practiced. In some instances, the traditional practices are combined with the Abrahamic religions.             Various societies in Africa are known to have engaged in various communal religious ceremonies. Okuyi is a religious ceremony that was practiced in Cameroon and Gabon as well as by other Bantu societies in the continent. It involved the use of instruments played by respected musicians. The participants were taken to embody a certain deity. The supreme deity was worshipped through communion or consultation with lesser deities. The numerous lesser deities are mentioned in several African myths. Both the deities and spirits were honored through the pouring of libations and sacrifices. Followers of the various religions did not worship the supreme deity directly but instead asked the ancestors to communicate on their behalf. Divination was used to seek the will of the supreme deity. Priests such as the Sangomas of South Africa carried out the divination process. They were chosen by elders and had to undergo training (SAHO 2018). The method of divination, as well as the tools, used varied from one society to the other. Some societies also recognized goddesses. For instance, some Nubian and Egyptian societies worshipped Isis, who was considered the queen of all the goddesses. Women also played a big role in the religion of their societies (Mbiti 1988). Natural phenomena such as the waxing and waning of the moon, the ebbing of the tides, rain, and droughts were greatly embraced. For instance, in the Serer religion of Senegal, there existed a sacred star called Yoonir. The priests offered yams to the star every year before the planting season (Gravrand 1990).             Virtues in the society formed a part of the religion. Virtues were connected with carrying out one's obligations as expected in the communal life of the society. Social behaviors such as respect for elders, proper raising of children, hospitality to other members of the society, trustworthiness, courage, and honesty were expected of all the members of the society. In most societies, morality was associated with obedience or disobedience to the deity. The society or community was considered the most important aspect of one’s life. Separation from the community was taken to be worse than death. The members of the religions worshiped ancestors as an extension of the respect given to elders (Kopytoff 1971). Role of Women in African Societies             Virtually all societies in the world viewed women as inferiors at some point. Though the problem has been addressed in length, especially in the developed world, women still find themselves at a disadvantage compared to their male counterparts. Africa is no exception. The role of the woman in the African society has greatly evolved as the continent progresses and even some countries in the continent are led by women today (Geiger 1997). However, according to oral history, the role of the woman mostly involved giving birth and taking care of the family. They were not allowed to take part in the making of any economic or political decisions. They were supposed to be religiously submissive to their husbands and all men in general. Therefore, women in most African societies were under the guardianship of men at all phases of their lives; first under their fathers and then under their husbands. Oral history, however, shows that women held high positions in some African societies. For instance, some West African societies such as the Yoruba women held the positions of queen-mothers, queen-sisters, and even chiefs. The case of Lovedu, a supreme monarch in the society, is a prominent example (Sudarkasa 1986). To quite a large extent, women held positions of authority, which is contrary to the patriarchal ideologies that western colonialists portrayed which painted women as the beasts of burden in most African societies. Particularly in West Africa, women were not exclusively subjected to the patriarchal forces as advanced by some scholars. Moreover, they actively participated in making the decisions that shaped the histories of their societies. They also played significant roles in the political, economic, social and religious processes in their societies. Arguab...
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