Has Japan Achieved its Grand Strategic Objectives?
ADSP Term Paper
Title: Critically evaluate whether Japan has achieved its grand strategic objectives in Asia over the past two decades. Make a case for whether it will or will not fulfill its objectives in the next 10 years.
Approach the essay by first defining what are Japan's grand strategic objectives (for instance, neutralising security threats from China and North Korea, carving out a bigger role for its Self Defence Forces amongst others).
For the first part of the question (whether Japan has achieved its objective in the past 2 decades), explore the following angles for the body of the essay:
1) Short Term vs Long Term: Japan achieved its strategic objectives in the short term (2000-2015) due to friendly relations and strong security arrangements with the USA. However, with the rise of Trump who cut defence spending on Japan, and the rise of peer competitors to the USA like China, Japan is no longer a top priority for the US. As such, it has to increasingly pay for its own defence, which is costly. This will present long term challenges to fulfilling its strategic objectives.
2) Short Term Gain vs Long Term Backlash: Japan's rapid modernisation of its military has ensured a credible deterrent. However, such modernisation will increasingly anger its neighbours who might argue that it does not have the constitutional right to do so. If its neighbours work to suppress Japan's capabilities, its ability to achieve its objectives in the long term will be limited. As such, building up its military had short term gains but would incur a long-term backlash.
For the second part of the question (whether it will do so in the next 10 years), refrain from providing a definitive yes / no answer. Instead, list down and elaborate the various factors that would affect its success. These would include:
1) USA's support for Japan: this would depend on the current president.
2) USA-China Competition: Some might argue that increased US focus on China would cause it to neglect Japan. However, some could also argue that the US would strengthen Japan as an ally against China.
3) North Korea's regime stability: an unstable North Korea would present security challenges that it is military cannot predict.
4) International acceptance: on whether the world would accept the current Japanese PM overturning the constitution to convert its self-defence forces into a legitimate armed force.
Japan Grand Strategy
Name
Institution/ Affiliation
A state’s grand strategy is a fundamental component in the implementation and fulfillment of the long-term objective amidst the geopolitical flux. Typically, a state grand strategy makes history more relevant, public resources more broadly contextualized, political science more solid, and economics more security-oriented (Kanehara, 2013). It encompasses a state’s plans and policies that harness military, political, diplomatic, as well as economic tools thus achieving a state’s national interest and objectives in the foreign policy (Bailey,2019; Kanehara, 2013). Also, a grand strategy helps policymakers define a state international goals, guide the alignment of means and ends, as well as enhance foreign policy decisions.
Usually, human beings form a state to provide their survival as well as that of their community, well-known as a state. Consequently, a community chooses capable leaders to lead them as well as safeguard their interests as a nation. The leaders are required therefore to ensure the survival of the members in the community and this expectation guarantees an individual’s voluntary obedience (Kanehara, 2013). This is possible by protecting the weak as well as ensuring the affluent interests are also taken care of (Kanehara, 2013). For this reason, it is unanimously agreed the state is the powerful human group in the community. Today, individuals, corporations, and nations operate in a global environment, but the sovereign state still plays a fundamental role. Although there is no human group like a superstate that incorporates the whole globe, an individual state must position itself to safeguard the national interests across the world.
Therefore, leaders need to formulate strategies and goals that protect the interests of a nation. It is the responsibility of the leaders to objectively think outside the world and develop suitable approaches to evade and overcome pressures that threaten the survival and peace of the people while at the same time improving conditions to ensure their survival. Strategic thinking involves integrating foreign policies as well as military affairs to realize the nation’s primary goal – survival (Kanehara, 2013). To live as a group, human beings need conscience – which gives rise to a deep inner sense of kindness to compassion for others. For state, they must formulate policies and strategies that ensure peaceful coexistence with other nations while at the same time guaranteeing the objective of the individual state remain paramount (Kanehara, 2013). In a nutshell, it is the role of leaders to develop strategic objectives through policy formulation, maintaining diplomacy as well ensuring the security of individual states.
The development and implementation of grand strategies call for policymakers to identify a state’s objectives, evaluate the nation’s resources and ultimately, organize those resources in a highly structured way to realize the state’s goals (Kanehara, 2013) (Midford, 2010). Although grand strategy encompasses national affairs both in times of war and peace, they have traditionally been established on the existence of an enemy that a state need to overcome. By strategic thinking, policymakers can effectively develop the best possible way of managing army capability, diplomatic skills, governmental influence, and economic strength within a unified state policy (Green, 2017; Auslin, 2018).
Japan’s strategic objectives in the Asia region have focused on ensuring state sovereignty and regional environment while at the same time increasing diplomatic and security options. Over the past two decades, Japan has spent substantial diplomatic resources on national security, enhancing economic prosperity (Akimoto, 2018). Being aware of its abilities and resolve is limited in maritime deterrence particularly outside north-East Asia, Japan has opted in deploying soft security measures to accomplish its grand strategic goals (Kanehara, 2013; Samuels, 2011). Similarly, the government has positioned its trade – and eventually the economy – to benefit from the emerging production systems and the rising customer base in Asia and beyond the region – thus reducing the economic dependency on China and the Western countries and Europe (Samuels, 2011; Wallace, 2018).
Further still, Japan has always envisioned that by encouraging the progress of parallel economic corridors in the Asian region, it will improve its economic interests as well as reduce china's economic supremacy and military coercion in the region. For this reason, Japan has forged strategic objectives that seek to improve its relationship with the United States and reduce the control of china that has been rising with unprecedented rates (Jerdén & Hagström, 2012). In reality, Japan strategy has been supportive and goes beyond reactive measure, balancing both short-term and long-term approaches that draw the Asian economic power away from china and allow Japan and other Asian countries such as Korea to exist and flourish on the outer rim of Chinese control and even contest with china if necessary (Koga, 2019). However, these objectives have been sidelined by the overreliance on the United States, thus making it hard for Japan to achieve its strategic objectives. Alternatively, it is worth to note that Japan does not have a comprehensible grand strategy as its policy has been UN-centered, Asia oriented and operates in the shadows of the United States (Samuels & Michishita, 2012). For this reason, this study will explore whether japan has achieved its grand strategic objectives for the past two decades as well as the likelihood of the nation achieving the goals in the future.
The development of Japan's strategy dates back in 1885 when Yukichi Fukazawa developed an editorial piece that called for a different visualization that would transform Meiji Japan economic, political, and cultural landscape. Yukichi's notion of datsu-aron (leaving Asia), emphasized the need for Japan to expand its international economic, political and cultural interaction rather than developing a protective barrier at the sea, commonly referred to as Japan’s "lifeblood". Yukichi's vision became the foundation of national policy (Koga, 2019). Later when Japan began to face North America and Europe in the 1880s and 1890s, Japan progressively focused its strategic stare to guard its southern parts of its territory through the use of naval power while at the same time dissuade intimidations to the boundless treasure of the South Seas that were and remain essential to Japan’s economic transformation, growth, and development.
Also, Japan realized that promoting its associations with South East Asia regions such as India would reduce the trade reliance on western states and North-East Asia for resources and industrial inputs, thus creating a market for Japanese products. The widespread Meiji consensus centered on “Catching up and surpassing” was very successful until the end of the First World War when the western looked this strategy with suspicion (Wallace, 2018). For this reason, a new strategy was developed on minimal conciliatory response to world affairs. Later in 1937, Konoye Fumimaro’s developed the “New Asian order” strategy that attracted backing by Japan’s conceptual spectrum (Wallace, 2018). This strategy helped Japan clinch power in the Asia region but unfortunately did not last long enough to drive the state political and economic prosperity.
After the Second World War, Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru formulated a strategy that would provide security cheaply in exchange for the nation’s autonomy. In this model, Japan was to support the United States' beliefs on international policies in exchange for military security and economic gain. This approach has been criticized by many scholars who view it as a costly approach that Japan will have to pay. Currently, although not well established, “Goldilocks Consensus” as described by Prof Samuels and calls for contending political and intellectual constituents (Samuels & Michishita, 2012; Samuels, 2011). The modern dialogue about Japanese grand strategy is linked unswervingly to the past and filled with unusual – and ever-changing – bedfellows.
On the flip side, the rise of China and uncertainties on their relationship with the United States have led to japan to reevaluate their grand strategy. The developing Abe doctrine now commits japan to move beyond its state defense position and to terminate much of the dodging around the United States alliance (Hughes, 2017). Nevertheless, the shift to the Abe strategy is insignificantly implemented due to the residual antimilitarism and possible pressures to its alliance with the United States (Hughes, 2017). Many Japanese strategists have argued that there is a need to change the nation's grand strategy similarly. According to Bailey (2019), Abe diplomacy and security policies have supported the country's shift of geopolitical away from the Asian region towards the Eurasian shoreline and Maritime area. Typically, Japan’s security and economic interests are linked to the southwestern world, through which the state has used more resources to explore and improve.
For the past seven decades, the United States has presumed that Japan’s security policies would enforce reinforce American interests in Asia. As such Japan has leveraged on this opportunity to build a strong strategic position in the Asia region. However, with the rapid change in the United States and Asia – inc...
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