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The Al Qaeda: Domestic or International Terrorist Organization Analysis

Essay Instructions:

The final term paper consists of two parts, but is one individual paper:



Part 1 - Select a domestic or international terrorist organization that threatens the U.S. homeland and complete a profile of that organization. The group profile should be approximately 50 percent of the final paper and must include a discussion of the group's ideology, targeting, tactics, capability, and overall goals, analysis of attacks, and any statements or propaganda released by the group. Make sure you have enough information on the group to address all these factors and how it affects the US homeland. Contact your instructor for overall of the terrorist organization via email or the course website.



A foreign terrorist group for this project must be on the official list of foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) maintained by the U.S. Department of State. In the case of domestic terrorist groups, there is no sanctioned list from which to choose, but the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has made significant arrests from several groups that would fit the description of a domestic terrorist group. The FBI also names many other groups in congressional testimony. Materials presented in the first module, as well as recent news and congressional testimony, are good sources of information on how to identify domestic groups for this project.



Part 2 - Use the group profile to conduct an analysis of one or more U.S. homeland security policies studied in module 2, to assess the ability of the policy or policies to counter the threat posed by the group profiled. This analysis should begin with an introduction and explanation of the policy, followed by an analysis addressing the breadth of the information (from part 1) gathered on that terrorist group. The policy you analyze should be consistent with the group; for example, if you choose a domestic terrorist group, it would be improper to analyze the Secure Border Initiative and its ability to counter a domestic threat, because the members of the group are already within the nation's borders. If you find the policy deficient, make specific recommendations for policy change to counter the threat. If you deem the policy sufficient to counter the threat, explain the rationale for your conclusion.



Your finished project, including both elements of the paper, should be approximately 12 to 14 double-spaced pages, not including the cover or reference pages but including the abstract, submitted as one document. Make sure you present an introduction and a conclusion tying together both aspects of the paper. The final term paper must be formatted as follows:



Title Page (does not count as part of the page requirement)

Abstract (Heading)

Part 1 (Heading): Identify the Terrorist Group

-Group's Profile (Sub-heading)

-Group's Ideology (Sub-heading)

-Group's Targeting (Sub-heading)

-Group's Tactics (Sub-heading)

-Group's Capabilities (Sub-heading)

-Group's Overall Goals (Sub-heading)

-Group's Analysis of attacks (Sub-heading)

-Group's Released Statements or Propaganda (Sub-heading)



Part 2 (Heading)

-Identify one or more homeland security policies (Sub-heading for the specific policy or policies)

-Assess the ability of the policy or policies to counter the threat posed by the group profiled (Sub-heading could be "Policy Assessment, etc."). In this assessment and/or analysis must include an introduction and explanation of the policy, followed by an analysis addressing the breadth of the information (from part 1) gathered on that terrorist group.

-Recommendations (Sub-heading)

-Conclusion (Sub-heading)

-References (Sub-heading)((does not count as part of the page requirement)

*If your final term paper does not meet the minimum page count (12-14 pages), your grade will be reduced for not meeting this specific element of the assignment.*

Essay Sample Content Preview:

The Al Qaeda
Student’s Name
Institution
Course
Professor’s Name
Date
The Al Qaeda
Abstract
Despite the absence of a major Muslim act of terrorism in the United States, the issue has remained whether there was or will be an Islamist Fifth Column that is an important foundation of anti-US extremism among Muslims in America. The essential issues of this topic have been dealt with in three publications (Hoffman, 2016). Whilst everyone claims to be hopeful in this regard, there are at least substantial reasons for worry in an alternate interpretation. A significant percentage of Muslims in the USA remain uncertain or opposed to U.S. policies regarding the Muslim world and the United States.
Al Qaeda has called again and again for assaults against Westerners, and in particular the Americans, but it has not murdered westerners if their goals are appropriate. Perhaps this is best shown by the choice of Al Qaeda many times to provide Western reporters safe access to safe havens in Al-Qaeda and enable them to interview Bin Laden from person to person. Terrorism does not succeed if nobody watches, and Al Qaeda required western reporters to deliver their message in the days leading up to YouTube and Twitter. In addition, senior officials from Al-Qaeda-linked Jabhat al-Nusra frequently appealed to the Islamic State at least two times to free western help-workers, whom the Islamic State had kidnapped and was threatening to carry out. Alan Henning and then Peter Kassig, the commanders of Al Qaeda affiliates contend, were innocent humanitarian workers who risked their lives to assist alleviate the misery of Muslims in Syria. Therefore their abduction and execution are "false under Islamic laws" as well as "counterproductive." Sadly, such arguments have not affected the Islamic State, and both of these guys have been horrified.
Profile
In Afghanistan in the 1980s, Al-Qaeda evolved from the anti-Soviet struggle. Bin Laden and his close associates planned to expand on a worldwide jihad network, which they saw as a significant achievement for the strong Soviet Union, while the Soviets were on the verge of retiring. Bin Laden's objective was to create a leader from the world's Jihad and unite hundreds of minute organizations frequently in opposition to jihadist groups under a similar flag. He attempted to restart the campaign in the mid-1990s and concentrate it on the major adversary of all corrupt local governments in the U.S. (Burke, 2021). The Ivy Leagues of Jihadi education had been able to offer local jihadists numerous possibilities, via their loyalty to bin Laden, the acceptance of the al-Qaeda Brand with money, weapons, logistic assistance, and expertise. Al-Qaeda and its affiliates continue to harm the U.S., but there's a greater risk to Middle East security and U.S. interests abroad than the Islamic State. Much of their conflict includes a struggle for members to promote their models and maintain their operational relevance in Al Qaeda's instance.
In 1998, Al Qaeda's brand became a popular name when it attacked the U.S. embassies in Africa, and certainly 9/11. The assaults showed the organization's strength, skills, reach, and boldness. However, although the 9/11 assaults electrolyzed the worldwide Jihad movement and brought the prominence of Al Qaeda to the global arena, the reaction of U.S. counterturn-terrorism against both Al Qaeda and its wider movement was devastating. The U.S. has continuously been tracking al-Qaida throughout the next ten years, attacking its leaders, disrupting finance, penetration, and ultimate destruction of its training camps, communication networks. It was a symbol of the worldwide Jihad, but no significant attack was carried out against the U.S. Moreover, Bin Laden's death and the rise of Ayman al-Zawahiri, a far more imperious leader, further dwindled the influence of the Al-Qaeda brand.
Ideology
Since the mid-1990s, Al Qaeda leaders and partners undertake sophisticated media and public relations operations. Terrorist experts think that these operations are intended to generate psychological responses to the public and particular sub-populations of the Islamic world, the U.S., Europe, and Asia and to convey complex political messages. Many authorities and experts think that communications from Al Qaeda include signals that train and instruct operators to plan and conduct future operations (Steinberg & Werenfels, 2017). In their public comments, Bin Laden and other top Al Qaeda officials identified parties as important main sources to understand the ideology and political demands of Al Qaeda. In worldwide counter-terrorism operations to give leadership and control to militants and associated organizations in Al-Qaeda after 2001, bin Laden has seemed limited. Nevertheless, other Al-Qaeda leaders and affiliates continue to remark and advise on terrorist operations. Iraq is a focus of jihadist discourse that highlights Al Qaeda's interest in Iraq and support of Iraq's current insurgency.
Some terrorism experts have argued that Al-ideological Qaeda's substance and policy style imply that founders of al-Qaeda are attempting to reaffirm their position and the role of Al-Qaeda as a vanguard for the growing worldwide jihad movement (Steinberg & Werenfels, 2017). Others claimed that Al Qaeda's founders' now weak operational capacities encouraged them to concentrate on intellectual activity and public opinion influences in America and Europe. Many analysts believe the major aim of the organization is to inspire, plan, and carry out assaults in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf, and nations bordering on Israel, with a special focus on the destruction of economic and energy infrastructure and promoting turmoil.
Target
The Islamic State favors the near enemy tactics and doesn't follow the far enemy strategy on a regional basis. The Islamic State thus had no main objective of reaching the United States to attain the Arab "apostate" governments, especially the Asad dictatorship in Syria and Iraq's Abadi regime. The Shiites and other religious minorities and opposing jihad groups were first eliminated like their predecessors (Jordan & Boix, 2016). Iraqi Shia, Lebanese Hezbollah, Hasidism, and competing rebel factions in Syria are among the many opponents of the Islamic State also became targets for the U.S. and international military involvement but were deemed hostile by the Islamic State prior to U.S. intervention. Since advisers to the U.S. Forces are supporting the Iraqi army in Iraq, it seems that the U.S. military has become the Islamic State's primary objective. Western citizens in the area were also targeted in reaction to involvement by the U.S. and others in the conflict, although before the U.S. engagement, they were seen as hostile by the Islamic State. And since American military advisors in Iraq are assisting the Iraqi military on the ground, the U.S. military apparently has become the Islamic State's main goal. However, the absence of military forces within range reduces this risk.
Tactics
Al Qaeda has long employed a combination of tactics to accomplish its goals. For Al Qaeda to electrify the Islamic world and embrace the Al-Qaida flag, Al Qaeda has designed spectacular terrorism in its battle against the United States and convinced them to leave. After Hizballah's bombed the navy barracks there, the U.S. embassy and a Blackhawk down the incident in Somalia, it has modeled its retreat from Lebanon. Al Qaeda also supports the struggle against governments that are backed by Islamic rebels. Finally, Al-Qaeda propagates that the jihad goal is for Muslims and persuades jihadists to put al-aims Qaeda above the local objectives. Some of those objectives are endorsed by the Islamic State, but its method is essentially different even when there is an agreement in theory. The Islamic State's purpose is to constantly govern, consolidate and expand its position. This is also ideological: an administration that permits Islamic rights for Muslims (or a distorted interpretation of it by the Islamic State).
It electrifies many Muslims who subsequently take up the organization by establishing an Islamic state. And part of it is a key strategy: it may construct an army via control of territory and control additional territory by use of its army. These strategic distinctions are reflected in the two favored strategies. Al-Qaeda has preferred widespread, spectacular assaults on strategic or symbolic objectives for long: While the 9/11 bombing in the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were the most significant, the U.S. embassy bombs in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, the 2000 bombing in Aden in US Coles and the 2005 attempt to overcome the magnificent scene by more than 10 Transatlantic airplanes are all underlined. Plots such as these must be viewed. Al Qaeda has simultaneously supported a series of smaller terrorist operations against the western and Jewish enemies, rebels training, and guerrilla forces building.
Capabilities
The trust generated by the security procedures in Al Qaeda was elsewhere evident, which encouraged activities that might have been prevented in the absence of comprehensive anti-intelligence measures. This allows the hijackers, for example, to take flight instruction in the United States, despite the risks involved. For instance, for various reasons via training in the USA, the hijackers were exposed to greater risk. First, it extended the time taken by the hackers in the U.S. while exposing them to danger discovery considerably (Salama & Hansell, 2015). Second, unwanted attention has been placed, more likely than overseas, in certain parts of the Arab world, in some countries, or in countries less susceptible to the threat of Islamic terrorism, at a group of Middle Eastern males fleeing training. The security services' ability to identify group goals and tactics improved by flight training inside the target country.
Bin Laden was concerned as the day of the attacks approached, and the degree of worry grew. Bin Laden was so concerned that he encouraged the strikes because of the large number of agents in the United States at that time to happen as soon as feasible (Haynes, 2015). Indeed, this training could have been done almost anywhere else in the world. For this training in the United States, Binalshibh claimed economic and weather reasons. These objections, however, seem to be insignificant in light of the magnitude and importance of the planned operation. Moreover, Al Qaeda leaders have great confi...
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