Afro-American Association (AAA) and the Second-Wave Feminism
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A relatively high score is required (90 points are required for an A, so if 8 pages are not enough, you can contact me to change it to 9 pages.)
Please carefully read the following instructions before you begin. And please carefully read each question before answering.
For your final exam, you must answer questions 1 - 4. The first three questions are short answer questions and the fourth is an essay question. Your responses to each of the three short answer questions must be 350 - 500 words long. Your response to the essay question must be 750 - 900 words. Please note that for each question, you must choose only ONE of the questions provided to answer (i.e. A or B). Please identify the question you are answering by writing the appropriate number followed by the letter (i.e. "1A" or "1B", "2A" or "2B" etc.)
Please answer in complete sentences. Please remember to include specific examples from the assigned readings in your responses.
Please read over the full exam before you begin so that you have a sense of what is expected of you and how much time to spend on each question.
Please answer the questions as written. You do not need to include a formal introduction or conclusion in your essay response.
Please remember that you cannot use outside sources to complete this exam. The information provided to you via the materials on the syllabus and the course lectures are sufficient to answer each question.
1.) SHORT ANSWER: Please answer EITHER question A or B:
A.) What role did student activism in the Bay Area play in the emergence of the Black Panther Party? In your answer, be sure to mention at least one specific student organizations and at least two individuals involved with it who contributed, directly or indirectly, to the Black Panther Party’s ideals and formation.
B.) Describe the emergence of the Third World Liberation Front student movement during the late 1960s. What were two of its goals? What were two of the student groups involved? Was the student movement successful? Mention at least one of the tactics it utilized.
2.) SHORT ANSWER: Please answer EITHER question A or B:
A.) Discuss some of the shortcomings of second wave feminism (i.e. the women’s movement of the 1960s and 70s that we discussed in week 6). What misconceptions did some white feminist organizers and intellectuals have regarding Black and Puerto Rican women and their apprehensions about the movement to secure legal and easily accessible abortions for women in the US?
B.) What were the origins of the Chicano movement? Discuss at least two of the ideological influences and two historical figures that provided inspiration for the movement, as well as two organizations associated with the movement.
3.) SHORT ANSWER: Please answer EITHER question A or B:
A.) How was the Free South Africa Movement able to achieve its goal of helping to end apartheid in South Africa? What strategies did it use? In your answer, be sure to include at least one characteristic of the Free South Africa Movement’s general approach to the problem of apartheid and two of the concrete actions the movement undertook.
B.) What factors made the Occupy Wall Street movement and the Conservative/Tea Party movements attractive to non-elites? What competing explanations did these movements provide for the rising inequality that non-elites faced throughout the US?
4.) ESSAY: Please answer EITHER question A or B:
A.) What factors led to the rise of neoliberalism as a dominant political force in the US toward the end of the twentieth century? In your answer, be sure to discuss the relationship between neoliberalism and the conservative movement, which emerged during the 1970s and 80s among those unhappy with the rise of progressive social movements like the Civil Rights movement, the anti-war movement, the Black Power movement, the Women’s movement, etc. Do you agree with Laurence Cox and Alf Gunvald Nilsen’s depiction of neoliberalism as a “social movement from above?”
B.) In the second half of the course, we discussed a number of social movements that took place during the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries including the Free South Africa Movement, Occupy Wall Street, the Black Lives Matter Movement, and the movement for climate justice. How are these movements similar to or different from the social movements we studied prior to week 7? Given these similarities and differences, how would you say progressive activism has evolved in the aftermath of neoliberalism?
History Final
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History Final
Question 1 (A)
Student activism in the Bay Area played a significant part in the emergence of the Black Panther Party (BPP). One specific student organization that significantly contributed to the BPP's ideals and formation was the Afro-American Association (AAA) (Murch, 2010). The AAA, led by Donald Warden (later known as Khalid Abdullah Tariq al-Mansour), served as a platform for black nationalist thought and activism, providing a significant ground for developing revolutionary ideas that would shape the BPP (Murch, 2010). The AAA, founded in 1962 at the University of California, Berkeley, aimed to address the African American community's social, political, and economic concerns.
The AAA sought to bridge the gap between the street and the university, recognizing the importance of connecting with ordinary people and addressing their immediate issues. The AAA's emphasis on the street speaking and organizing street rallies reflected a shift in sensibility and a recognition of the urban dynamics of black political activity during the 1960s. One specific example of the AAA's emphasis on street speaking can be seen in their staging of the "Mind of the Ghetto Conference" at McClymonds High School (Murch, 2010). This conference served as a public forum where attendees could openly discuss problems and solutions within the black community.
Two individuals associated with the AAA who played significant roles in the formation of the BPP were Huey Newton and Bobby Seale. These individuals' involvement in the association allowed them to engage with black nationalist ideas, develop their political consciousness, and contribute to the overall objectives of the AAA (Murch, 2010). Newton and Seale were Merritt College students and became increasingly active in the AAA. The AAA's strategy of utilizing popular media also influenced the formation of the BPP. The AAA established a weekly radio program called "We Care Enough to Tell It Just Like It Is" on Oakland's KDI-A radio station (Murch, 2010). The show, hosted by Donald Warden, provided a platform to promote black consciousness, discuss black identity, and advocate for educational themes. Later, the show became popular and helped publicize the Bay Area Black freedom movement.
The AAA's philosophy was rooted in black cultural nationalism and the decolonization movements of the time. Inspiration from African liberation movements helped AAA to challenge the notion of black Americans as a domestic minority. It encouraged broader diasporic and international struggles for black self-determination, such as the African victories of Nkrumah, Nasser, and Kenyatta (Murch, 2010). This emphasis on black internationalism influenced the BPP's later ideology.
Furthermore, the AAA's innovative media use, including radio and television programs, mirrored the BPP's later efforts to utilize popular culture to advance its message. The AAA's integration of cultural elements such as Pentecostal preaching, doo-wop, and stump speaking into their activities and rallies paved the way for the BPP's adoption of similar strategies to mobilize and engage the African American population.
Question 2 (A)
The second-wave feminism of the 1960s and 70s brought significant advancements in women's rights. However, it also had its shortcomings, particularly regarding the inclusion and understanding of the experiences of Black and Puerto Rican women. The rights of women of color were highly fought for by women such as Victoria Woodhull and Sarah Grimke, who contested for their freedom and sexual rights (Davis, n.d.). Comprehensively, some white feminist organizers and intellectuals held misconceptions about the concerns and apprehensions of these marginalized groups regarding the movement to secure legal and accessible abortions in the United States.
One major shortcoming of second-wave feminism was its failure to fully acknowledge and address the intersecting nature of oppression faced by women of color. While white feminists sought to secure reproductive rights and access to abortions, they often overlooked the specific struggles and historical context faced by Black and Puerto Rican women (Davis, n.d.). Women of color were disproportionately affected by coercive sterilization practices. For example, the sterilization rates were alarmingly high for Native American, Chicano, Puerto Rican, and Black women (Davis, n.d.). Despite these glaring disparities, the women's movement did not universally embrace the cause of sterilization abuse.
White feminist organizers often had misconceptions about the concerns of Black and Puerto Rican women within the movement. They failed to recognize that while poor women of color were encouraged or coerced into sterilization, white middle-class women were denied their right to be sterilized willingly. Middle-class white women sometimes considered the "waiting period" and other requirements for sterilization as mere inconveniences, not realizing that for women of color, sterilization abuse was a pressing issue with severe consequences (Davis, n.d.). This discrepancy exposed a fundamental reproductive right at stake for racially oppressed and poor women.
Additionally, some white feminist organizers and intellectuals had a limited understanding of the lived experiences and specific concerns of Black and Puerto Rican women. They failed to grasp the historical context and unique struggles these communities face. For instance, the Puerto Rican population was subjected to a sterilization experiment in the 1930s, with over 35 percent of Puerto Rican female citizens of childbearing age being surgically sterilized by the 1970s (Davis, n.d.). However, instead of recognizing this history and the economic factors that contributed to the mass sterilization program, white feminists often perpetuated stereotypes and misconceptions about overpopulation, further marginalizing Puerto Rican women.
However, this vision was also inflexibly tied to the way of life preferred by the bourgeoisie and middle classes. Since working-class women were involved in a much more fundamental struggle for economic survival, the ideals driving the desire for "voluntary motherhood" did not accurately represent their circumstances (Davis, n.d.). Many financially unstable and working women would find it challenging to be part of the embryonic birth control movement as this early appeal for birth control was linked to objectives that could only be attained by women who possessed physical wealth.
Question 3 (B)
Both the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement and the Conservative/Tea Party movements gained traction among non-elites in the United States due to several factors. They offered competing explanations for the rising inequality experienced by this demographic. Firstly, these movements attracted non-elites due to their anger and frustration towards inequality and injustice. The OWS movement channeled this anger towards Wall Street and corporate power, highlighting the unequal distribution of wealth and the perceived influence of elites in shaping economic and political policies (Contexts.org, 2012). On the other hand, the Conservative/Tea Party movements directed this frustration towards excessive government intervention and encroachments on personal freedoms, emphasizing the need for limited government and individual liberty.
Moreover, non-elites often felt disenfranchised by the traditional political establishment, which further contributed to the appeal of these movements. OWS and the Conservative/Tea Party positioned themselves as alternatives to the mainstream political system. The Conservative/Tea Party movements focused on fiscal conservatism and reducing the size of government, presenting an alternative approach to traditional politics (The Tea Party, n.d.). OWS, in contrast, advocated for participatory democracy and direct engagement, giving non-elites a platform to voice their concerns and actively participate in decision-making.
Regarding the competing explanations for rising inequality, OWS attributed it to the influence of big corporations, banks, and wealthy individuals on the p...